Magh's Lalla Song: Tracing Sati's Echoes in Tharu Folklore
"In the Tharu community, despite the absence of the Sati practice, the Lalla song sung during the Magh festival holds a unique association with Sati in its lyrics and melody."
Urmila Gamwa Tharu
January 24, Kathmandu | The Magh festival, a cornerstone of cultural and religious significance for the Tharu community in western Nepal, unfolds with intricate rituals and customs. Spanning from the 27th Push to the first week of the Magh month, with a focal point on the revered 1st day known as 'Lahan,' the festival encompasses a collective bathing ritual called 'Lahaina' at the reservoir with Bajagaza(Musical instrument).
Dawn rituals by the river: Tharu men embrace the serenity of early morning as they take a refreshing bath, connecting with nature's purity and tradition. | Photo courtesy: Burhan Movie
Marked by distinct practices, the festival discourages sacrifice or slaughter on the sacred 1st day of Lahan. Notably, each village concludes the Push Month with 'Jita Marna Din'(Pig Killing Day), symbolized by the ritualistic slaughtering of a pig, with the meat distributed accordingly.
The festival's commencement involves a morning ritual of communal bathing at the river, accompanied by Baja Gaza(musical instruments), symbolizing an offering to the water god for purification and the cleansing of sins. While men partake in this ritual, women engage in domestic duties, and landowners prepare Nishrau items. Couples facing challenges with childbirth seek blessings after bathing.
Upon returning home, men undergo another ritual involving the touching of separately kept rice, salt, and maas dal in a designated room. The Magh festival, beyond being a time of celebration, is considered a festival of liberation and development.
Celebrating Magh festival in Kathmandu Tudikhel, Dancer Shanti Chaudhary From Kanchanpur | Photo Courtesy: Urmila Gamwa Tharu
The festival of Magha holds a dual significance, symbolizing both liberation and development, while its historical roots are intertwined with the Marnikarni rites and the sati practice among the Tharus. Celebrated on the day of the 2nd of Maghi Diwani. The end of Push month is marked by the continuous singing of the Dhumaru song throughout the night. This ritualistic event serves as a cultural expression deeply embedded in the traditions of the community.
Maghi Diwani observed the day after the main festival of Magh, carries a unique tradition where brothers are obliged to visit their sisters and present them with Nishrau. This ritual involves gifting a variety of items, including rice, salt, dal, and other dishes that were separated the day before. The Koseli is adorned with different culinary offerings such as Dhikri, Roti, Fish, and Meat, reflecting the richness of the celebration.
An intriguing facet of the celebration is the Lalla song, classified among the duff songs, intricately linked to the Sati practice. The Lalla Geet (song) carries a historical and cultural context, likely rooted in the Sati tradition, wherein a widow self-immolates on her husband's funeral pyre. The diminishing presence of the Lalla song reflects evolving cultural dynamics, urging efforts to document and preserve these traditions for the continuity of Tharu cultural heritage. The Maghi Diwani celebration serves as a vibrant tapestry, embodying the unique identity and history of the Tharu community. Reviving vanishing elements, like the Lalla song, becomes essential for safeguarding the rich cultural legacy of the Tharu people.
An example of a Lalla song:
Utar Hey Lala Re Karhal Sendura
Mathakahi sendura
Yahleu jethinya saas sura saidaan re daiya
Yahleu jethinya Piha Saidaan
Sati jaibu re daiya
Sati jaibu re daiya
Mai Sati hari bolaim
The provided passage depicts a poignant moment intertwined with the practice of Sati, where a woman prepares for the ritual by symbolically washing off the vermilion from her forehead, a traditional marker of marital status. The act signifies a solemn farewell, indicating the gravity of the impending sacrifice. The woman, addressing a trusted individual, entrusts them with the care of her mother-in-law, father-in-law, and her husband's precious gift, intensifying the emotional weight of her decision to undergo Sati.
Sati, historically practiced in some cultures, involves a widow self-immolating on her husband's funeral pyre as an expression of unwavering devotion. The passage effectively conveys the solemnity and emotional depth associated with such a profound decision.
The mention of Dafa songs, Dhumaru, and Lalla songs during the month of Magh adds contextual richness to the cultural and ritualistic backdrop. These songs likely serve as a means of expressing and commemorating cultural and religious sentiments during the Magha festival, creating a melodic tapestry that resonates with the emotional gravity of the depicted scene.
Furthermore, the inclusion of Maghauta songs on the day of the Magha festival emphasizes the integral role of music and rituals during this period. These songs are likely imbued with specific cultural, religious, or historical meanings associated with the festival, contributing layers of depth to the overall narrative.
In summary, the passage effectively captures a significant moment within the context of Sati, illustrating the woman's preparations and the profound emotional impact of her decision. The reference to Dafa, Dhumaru, Lalla, and Maghauta songs underscores the cultural richness and the intricate rituals embedded in the Magha festival, highlighting the historical practice of Sati within the depicted cultural context.
An example of Maghauta song:
Babake Sagar Gainu Haa
Muria lahan re Haa
Sakhiya ho
Sendura Chhutal Pani Ghat
Sakhiya ho.
Babake Sagar Gainu Haa
Muria lahan re Haa.
Sakhiya ho
Tikuli Chutal Pani Ghat
Sakhiya ho.
Baba Ke Sagar Gainu
Muria lahan re Haa
Sakhiya ho
Nathiya Chhotal Pani Ghat.
The passage illustrates a poignant ritual linked to bathing at the ghat, a crucial aspect of mourning or post-funeral ceremonies. The widow, having lost her husband, symbolically sheds traditional adornments – vermilion, nose ring, bangles, and beaded necklace – all emblematic of a married woman's status. This act at the ghat becomes a powerful gesture of renunciation and mourning, visually representing the end of her role as a married woman and signifying her widowhood. Rooted in deep tradition, this cultural practice carries symbolic weight, reflecting the community's attitudes towards bereavement and widowhood. These rituals not only express personal loss but also contribute to the cultural and social tapestry, shaping how grief is navigated and expressed within the community.
Sometimes this song is also sung like this:
Sati ganga re mor pirathi lahan re Haa.
The legend of the Lalla song in the Tharu community intertwines with historical practices, particularly during the era when Sati was observed. The tale revolves around a knowledgeable Tharu king who, foreseeing his impending death, fulfills the villagers' desires before his departure. The villagers, valuing their wealth in children and animals, request children for the childless and promise to burn the king during the cremation ceremony. Despite the night-long vigil with songs and dances to keep the king from departing, the queen discovers his lifeless body at dawn, leading to the origin of the Lalla song—a poignant expression of grief and loss tied to the Sati practice.
The passage further reveals that the Magh festival, particularly the day of the king's death, marks the initiation of selecting new leaders within the Tharu community. This symbolic practice involves choosing Bargharia, Guruwa, and Kesauka to govern respective villages, symbolizing the commencement of the Tharu New Year. During Manaki Magh, men bathe in Ghats, returning adorned with a straw tika after kindling a fire, reminiscent of funeral rites.
Musical traditions, including the soulful Dhumaru and rhythmic Maghauta songs, enrich the Magha festival, symbolizing cultural and religious significance. Despite the absence of documented evidence, a reference in the Dang district hints at a woman committing Sati in the Tharu community. The Satehrya temple in Baibang memorializes this incident, attracting attendees during the Magha festival. While Sati's impact might have been felt in specific instances, it's not recognized as a widespread Tharu custom.
In essence, the traditions and rituals surrounding the Magh festival unveil the cultural richness of the Tharu community. The interplay of symbolic acts, musical traditions, and historical references reflects the depth of their customs, offering insights into their collective identity and cultural heritage.
Was the practice of sati in the Tharu community?
In the Tharu community, it is not heard anywhere that there is a custom of going to sati. A confirmed history is not found. However, according to a reference in the Dang district, a woman in this community had committed Sati.
There is a temple in a village called Baibang in Dang. The name of which is called Satehrya Ke Mandir (temple of Sati Devi) in Tharu language. Its history is connected with the practice of sati. According to Sanskritist (Cultural scholar) Ashok Dang, the temple of Satehrya shows that Sati was once a practice among the Tharu.
Saterhya Mandir(Sati Devi Temple) in Baibang village, Dangisharan Municipality | Photo Courtesy: Urmila Gamwa Tharu
Raghunath Chaudhary of Baibang village died in 1942 B.S. In memory of his wife Sati going with him, his family has built a Sati Devi temple at Baibang, Dangisharan rural municipality of Dang.
A big fair is held there every year during the Magha festival. According to Rajesh Chaudhary, a descendant of Raghunath, people come from Dang as well as neighboring districts to worship at the temple. "There is a popular belief that one's wishes will be fulfilled if one worships here," he says.
At that time, Sati was practiced among Hindus in Nepal. Its practice is not seen in other communities. Krishnaraj Sarbahari, scholar of Tharu folk culture and writer, says, "At that time, it seems that the effect of sati practice was also felt in the Tharu family. Apart from the incident of sati, it cannot be said that this was a custom in the Tharu community as no other incident was found in the Tharu community.
If there was no Sati practice in the Tharu community, then how it was described in the folklore of this community is a subject of research.
It has been over a hundred years since the formal end of the Sati practice in Nepal. It was announced on 8 July 1920 by the then Shri 3 Maharaja and Prime Minister Chandrashamsher Rana.
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