How long will the oppressive government hold the Tharu captive?



Urmila Gamwa Tharu

(The extraction of the Tharu is veiled in the haze of undocumented history. It is true that life is not permanent and history is not destiny, but it is nevertheless useful to ask, Who are the Tharu? )

August 24, 2015, the Tikapur incident occurred after legislators acceded to Akhanda Sudurpaschim's requests to add one more province, bringing the total to seven. In Tikapur, where government buildings are located, thousands of Tharu had assembled for a rally, but following police intervention, it turned violent, leaving eight police officers and an 18-month-old kid dead. To address the unrest, a curfew was declared and the army was sent in. Tharu protesters were accused of causing the event.

The major parties Congress, UML, and UCPN (M) first suggested six provinces and then seven more as the second Constituent Assembly was drafting the constitution. This is how the incident began before it actually occurred. The Terai Madhes were unable to avoid it. The local Tharu population was also up in arms, seeking Tharuhat province. A province in the far west was demanded by the furious Tharu community in the area. The Tharuhat agitators and the Tharuhat agitators calling for Kailali, Kanchanpur, and other provinces were getting into further disagreements.

The Tharuhat/Tharuwan Joint Struggle Committee was the name of the movement before it became the Tikapur movement. However, none of the major parties responded to the call. During the widespread protests that took place in Surkhet, Kalikot, Jumla, and other districts, the parties who had earlier presented the plan of six provinces addressed their demands. The indigenous Tharu community, which has long been subjected to oppression, felt let down by the state once more after the Pelerai 7 Provinces proposal—which ignored the Tharu protests in the Terai—was submitted to the Constituent Assembly. Thousands of people stood up to engage in one final battle.

On July 12, leaders from a number of Madhesi parties visited Tikapur to speak to the Tharuhat movement. He inspired Homin Tharuhat activists to demand rights in the Tharu struggle. This incident ignited non-Tharus. On August 13, when Tharuhat convened another gathering in Dhangadhi, fights broke out between the two sides when the Tharuhat cadres were prevented from attending.

On August 19, 2008, the Constituent Assembly adopted the draft constitution of Nepal, taking into account the aspirations of the unified parties. The same group of supporters organized a motorbike ride from Dhangadhi to Tikapur right away on August 19. The constitution, which disregarded the aspirations and sentiments of the Tharindigenousuhat agitators, caused general discontent among Tharuhat sympathizers. On the other hand, a confrontation between the two groups started when the Tharuhat faction forbade Akhand from entering Tikapur during a demonstration on April 16 because Akhand followers were interfering with their plans.

The Tharu chiefs pleaded with the authorities not to go there, but they let them travel to Sukhad. Although the authorities had guaranteed the Tharus that the demonstration would not go forward, it did so while being watched over by the police. 32 homes were burned during an uncontrolled rally that attempted to torch Tharus' residences.

Motorcycles of Tharus entering their houses. The roofs of Tharu's houses were vandalized. Books and copies of students were burnt. But on the same day, the authority did not allow the Tharus to hold a mass meeting in Kailali. 

Tikapur is located in the Kailali district of Nepal's southern Terai. Only Tharu lived in Tikapur until malaria was eradicated. The hill people avoided Tarai because they were afraid of malaria. Following the eradication of malaria in the 1960s, a sizeable non-Tharu population from the hills moved into the Tarai.

Following the end of the armed war (1996–2006), Tharuhut/Tharuwan signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in order to demand an independent province based on their cultural identity. Provisions to reorganize the state and eliminate structural discrimination against historically poor groups can be found in Nepal's 2007 Interim Constitution. This is the primary cause of the rise of identity-based structures in Nepal's common communities. The Tikapur incident took place in Kailali for this reason.

Media portrays a society, but when they attempt to bury it all under reality, people only see what the media wants them to perceive about a community, which is why Tikapur was depicted as a murderous district. The media primarily reports on the events in Bhadra 7, but Tharu was also a victim of protesters and locals in Bhadra 8. Security personnel and supporters of Akhanda responded angrily. More than 41 homes and businesses, including the Phulbari FM radio station, were looted, torched, and damaged overnight during the "curfew" put in place following the killings on August 24. Targeted burnings continued despite the presence of security personnel on the streets during the curfew.

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The extraction of the Tharu is veiled in the haze of undocumented history. It is true that life is not permanent and history is not destiny, but it is nevertheless useful to ask, Who are the Tharu? 

The Tharu people are an indigenous ethnic group who has lived in the lowlands of Nepal for centuries. The Terai or Tarai is a lowland region in southern Nepal that lies south of the outer foothills of the Himalayas, the Sivalik Hills, and north of the Indo-Gangetic Plain. This lowland belt is characterized by tall grasslands, scrub savannah, sal forests, and clay-rich swamps. 

The majority ethnic group in Nepal's southern Terai districts is the Tharu, who have lived there since antiquity. The largest ethnic group in the Terai is the Tharu. They run the entire length of Nepal's plains and even reach the slopes of Kumaon to the west. The Terai's oldest and original residents are the Tharu. Although they typically have dark-brown skin and mongoloid characteristics.

From East Jhapa to West Kanchanpur, there are 22 districts in Nepal's Terai region where the Tharu Caste is present. Among Nepal's native tribes, this caste has the second-highest population. The Tharu community has its own history, script, language, and way of life.

A caste with a strong cultural history is the Tharu. They have a strong literary narrative tradition. They have unique jewelry, outfits, and traditional fashion. According to various geographical regions, it has been discovered that the Tharus accepted various varieties of language, way of life, culture, values, cultural customs, etc. The Tharus revere the natural world. The forest goddess is one of the many forest spirits and deities they revere.

Terai is " land at the foot of mountains, often wet and swampy land". The Tharus are the denizens of the Terai and do not suffer from deadly malaria. 

Malaria is what makes the Terai unique. It was feared by the hill people. The Nepal Malaria Eradication Organization found that the incidence of malaria in Tharus is significantly lower than among the hill people. Tharu was thus able to survive the lowland jungle's hyperendemic malaria.

To end the slavery system in Nepal, the government of Nepal ratified the UN convention against slavery in 1956. At that time, only the Tharu people lived in Nepal's plains, which were covered in impenetrable forests and where other people were unable to stay due to the area's malaria epidemic. 

A progressive land reform law that centralized unregistered land was passed by the Nepali government in 1951. Similarly, Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) medicine was employed to eradicate malaria from the late 1950s to the early 1960s. The movement of highland communities to plain areas increased as a result.

There was an influx of hill people in these areas after the project to eradicate malaria and some development projects. Many Tharus lost their land during the move from the hills to Terai. Due to this, they were required to repay a loan that they had never previously taken out, and as a result, they were forced to work for the entirety of their lives in the homes of supposedly wealthy individuals without pay or for very little pay in order to pay back the loan and cover their daily expenses.

The state also encouraged a large number of people to move from the hills to the lowlands at the same time as it constructed a highway network. Prior to the Government of Nepal taking these measures, the Tharu had their own administration region similar to the Praganna system, which was in charge of carrying out the legal, developmental, religious, and ritual actions. Natural resources were easily accessible to the Tharus in their home countries. 

Due to ignorance, illiteracy, and lack of understanding, the Tharu people's culture, tradition, systems, and access to natural resources were adversely impacted by the elimination of malaria in the Terai region. Thousands of Tharu were duped by the cunning new settlers from the Hill areas. In order to legally release their property, including their land, the Tharu people were required to place their thumbs on a blank sheet of paper. 

Prior to the commencement of the Malaria Eradication Project, the victims were local residents. Hill people not only pillaged Tharus's territory but also destroyed everything, including their language and culture.

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The caste system is a "system of birth ascribed stratification, of socio-cultural pluralism and of hierarchical interaction". Caste is a hierarchy of endogamy groups, organized in a characteristic hereditary division of labor. 

The Muluki Ain of 1854 was a legal code that made an effort to arrange the citizens of the Nepali kingdom in accordance with Hindu social norms. A caste system was defined in the Muluki Ain. This is still a problem in our society today.

Nepal is one of several such nations that have kept its antiquated caste structure. In Nepali society, caste is still a crucial component of the social order and frequently transcends belief and religion. The Muluki Ain, also known as the Legal Country Code, was established in 1854 and provided varied benefits, rights, and obligations to Nepal's higher, medium, and lower caste groups.

The civil law, Muluki Ain, divided Nepali society into three ethnic groups: Tagadhari (wearers of the sacred thread known as Janai), Matwali (alcohol consumers), and Acchut (so-called untouchables).

Additionally, the civil law classified alcohol consumers as either Masinya Matwali (enslavable) or Namasinya Matwali (non-enslavable alcohol drinkers). Masinya Matwali were defined as Tharu, Tamang, and Bhote, whereas Namasinya Matwali included Magar, Sunuwar, Gurung, Rai, and Limbu. The code permitted the ruling class to enslave Adivasi Janajati, also known as Masinya Matwali by the State.

In Nepal, the caste system serves as the foundation for all forms of power, both economic and political. At the absolute top of the social scale were the Brahmins. A political order was under the control of the Chhetri. The lowest castes were the Vaishya, the Sudra, and the untouchables.

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Nepal became more inclusive after adopting a new constitution in 2015. It affirms that all citizens are on an equal footing with one another and presents Nepal as a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and democratic country.

Caste-based discrimination was outlawed in 2011. Although the Muluki Ain texts are no longer a part of Nepal's legal system, the majority of Nepalese people continue to be influenced by them. Every aspect of existence is regulated by caste, from conception to death. It has strong cultural roots in Nepal.

The caste system categorized the Tharus as Vaishyas since they were farmers. The situation in Tharu was dreadful after the malaria eradication effort, with immigrants from the highlands holding most of their property. These immigrants exploited their caste, education, and ties to the government. Tharu was made to serve as slave labor in the fields by those immigrants.

In particular, the identity of the upper caste hill people became synonymous with Nepali identity. Tharus were victims of hill migration because they lacked social organization and articulation, making them unprepared to handle the influx. Because of how narrowly defined national or Nepali identity is, historically oppressed and inferior people are not treated equally. Additionally, it excludes their cultures and languages from the Nepali nationhood idea.

The Tharus caste is not only at the bottom of the social order, but it also lacks the power in local and national politics and the economy that the upper caste has.

The vast majority of landowners in 1912 were Tharu. The majority of the landowners fifty years later, in the late 1960s, were pioneers from the hills. In the beginning, the Tharu supported the reduction of tenant farmers because they saw it as a continuation of the previous taxation systems in Nepal. Eighty percent of the Tharu were tenants, and ninety percent of the landlords they worked for were high caste hill people. Then they are forced to work as slaves in their own countries, Kamaiya and Kamalari.

In particular, the identity of the upper caste hill people became synonymous with Nepali identity. Tharus were victims of hill migration because they lacked social organization and articulation, making them unprepared to handle the influx. Because of how narrowly defined national or Nepali identity is, historically oppressed and inferior people are not treated equally. Additionally, it excludes their cultures and languages from the Nepali nationhood idea.

The Tharus caste is not only at the bottom of the social order, but it also lacks the power in local and national politics and the economy that the upper caste has.

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2065 of the first phase of the Tharuhat Joint Struggle Committee. "The government and the Tharu community reached a six-point agreement during the 13-day agitation from March 6 to March 25. The necessary process to amend the existing laws that hinder the independent identity of Tarai Tharu and other minorities, Madhesi Dalits and Muslims, to ensure their proportional representation in all organs of the state structure, and to make those castes participate in every organ of the state on the basis of proportional inclusion. The agitation was called off with the agreement to amend the law and release the arrested persons with compensation to the families of those killed in the agitation.

In the year 2059, the Maoists, promoting the slogan of ethnic self-government, annexed the Dang, Banke, Bardia, Kailali, and Kanchanpur districts of Western Terai. An autonomous province was declared. The misbehavior and activities shown by the Maoist government under the leadership of Prachanda after 11 years of people's uprising created frustration in the Tharu community and most of the Tharus members of the Tharu Mukti Morcha, which is a sister organization of the Maoists, joined the Tharuhat Sangharsh Samiti led by Laxman Tharu. This is how the Tharuhat movement began.


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There is no distinction between the pain of Tharu during armed conflict and their anguish following the Tikapur catastrophe. 

The main observers at the time were well-equipped state representatives on the streets. They probably enjoyed the scene. Perhaps they determined that this was the greatest method to avenge the Tharu, also known as "the police murders."

After the curfew was implemented, the issue of state terrorism against Tharu has become a rare subject of conversation in non-Tharu groups. Even inside Tharus, pro-government Tharu is hesitant to voice these concerns outside of casual gatherings. On the other hand, the Tharu, who are still active in the movement, host a public event to mark the theft and burning of Tharu property as a "Black Day." 

How long will the oppressive government hold the Tharu captive? 





Comments

  1. Kudos to respected blogger. Though it is in blog form, there are information of tharu movement and tharu history. It will really help to youths to know the indigenous tharu people and also they will surely archive this gem of writing for coming generation. Very thankful.

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